The Non Stop Genocide and Displacement of Muslim in Kashmir.

!هم کیا چاہتے؟ آزادی

 !آزادی کا مطلب کیا؟ لَا إِلَٰهَ إِلَّا ٱللَّٰهُ

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!تیرا میرا رشتہ کیا؟ لَا إِلَٰهَ إِلَّا ٱللَّٰهُ

Hum kyā chahtay? Azādi!

Azādi kā matlab kyā? Lāʾilāhaʾillā-llāh!

Terā merā rishtā kyā? Lāʾilāhaʾillā-llāh!

(What do we want? Liberation!

What does liberation mean? That there is no God but Allah!

What makes you and me one? That our God is none but Allah!)

For many decades the Jihad and Resistance of Muslim Freedom Fighter to liberate from the "Zalimun Toghut" of Hindu Extremist from Bharat.

These words, reminiscent of Bilāl ibn Rabāḥ’s declaration of “aḥadun aḥad” as he was tortured by his master for heeding the call of the Prophet Muhammad ﷺ, reverberate through the streets of the colonized valley of Kashmir at the moment. Is Islam irrelevant for Muslims when they are engaged in a struggle that consumes their lives and permeates their entire existence? Or can Islam constitute the lifeblood of the struggle that Muslims lead against the condition of colonization? The long struggle of Kashmiri Muslims against India’s occupation tells us that not only is Islam a source of support and hope for a community of Muslims facing fierce oppression, it is also the light that guides the struggle of Kashmiris, the language that defines their quest for justice and the promise that makes surrender unimaginable.

A few days back, my 61-year-old mother, who has been in prison for more than 12 years for her involvement with the resistance movement, called my aunt from Tihar Jail, Delhi. While they were talking, my mother heard the sound of the adhān in my aunt's locality. Mother rarely exhibits vulnerability, but she had just heard the call for prayer for the first time after four years of continuous imprisonment. During these four years, the sound of the adhān had never reached her ears. It overwhelmed her, so she asked my aunt if she could play a recorded audio of the adhān of the Prophet's Mosque in Medina as she has longed for its sound. My aunt played it on another phone and kept it close to the microphone of the phone on which they were talking and silently they kept listening until their 10-minute phone call came to an end.

The adhān, for her and many other Kashmiri prisoners, embodies the feeling of home that they have been deprived of, scattered in jails thousands of miles away from Kashmir all across India. And more so, it embodies the sense of belonging that they feel towards Islam—a belonging that comes with a cost, when you are experiencing a condition of occupation marked by hatred towards Islam.

How deadly the army of Hindu Kuffar in Kashmir.

Indian Army soldiers disrespected the body of a dead Kashmiri Muslim. Indian Haryanvi soldiers were angry that senior officers had asked them to take down the dead body. #Kashmir #KashmiriLivesMatter

ट्रिगर चेतावनी

भारतीय सेना के जवानों ने एक मृत कश्मीरी मुस्लिम के शरीर का अपमान किया। भारतीय हरियाणवी सैनिक इस बात से नाराज थे कि वरिष्ठ अधिकारियों ने उनसे शव नीचे उतारने को कहा है.#Kashmir #KashmiriLivesMatterpic.twitter.com/h8SkjIIt3s

— The Muslim (@TheMuslim786) January 7, 2024

The Muslim Population of 61% was reduced to 30% due to genocides by Hindu extremists in Jammu and Kashmir Tragedy.-1947

 So, what is the struggle of Kashmiris about? Firstly, the people of Kashmir are not fighting to be treated as “equal” Indian citizens with rights protected by the Indian state. The idea that Kashmiris seek equal Indian citizenship stems largely from liberal commentators in India. This argument obfuscates the true animating force of the Kashmiri struggle: not a yearning for greater integration with India, but for self-determination. This is seen in how the ongoing movement, known in Kashmir as Tehreek, has been guided by a demand for referendum and plebiscite, and not greater rights within the Indian union. As argued by Prof. Kanjwal, “Aside from the families associated with the client regimes of the Indian government, Kashmir’s Muslim-majority did not maintain any allegiance to or nostalgia surrounding Article 370. Kashmir’s ‘special status,’ enshrined in the Indian constitution, was built on the understanding between the Indian leadership and its client state in Kashmir that integration to India would be a hard sell for the vast majority of Kashmiris after partition.”

The struggle, then, is not against any particular political party that happens to rule India at a given moment. The intelligentsia, both Indian and non-Indian, have erroneously attempted to trace the oppression in Kashmir to Narendra Modi’s gained the leadership of fascist India.

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 One reason academics lay the blame on Modi is their inability to reconcile the Indian genocidal-colonial project in Kashmir with secular nationalism, which former prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru and his anti-colonial Indian National Congress claimed to espouse.

For decades their loved ones, husbands, and sons disappeared without trace. The level of animalism of the Hindu Extremist, lynching in Muslim Kashmir.

 A secularist liberal, however, can indeed be a colonialist. Nehru was undoubtedly the architect of the military occupation of Kashmir.

 The aforementioned academics exceptionalize Modi's rule while tending to romanticize pre-Modi India. Any such romanticization can only happen by obfuscating India's seven decades-long colonization of Kashmir, and its equally old history of the otherization of Indian Muslims as well as other non-Brahmanical and non-Hindu communities.

these academics and journalists

may write against India's oppression of Kashmiris now, but only do so because this oppression is marked by very visible and outward Brahmanical religiosity. Had the colonizer adopted a secular-liberal political theology, which has happened frequently throughout history,

 the liberal intelligentsia would likely have  acquiesced or even justified the violence

 through discourses of civilizational progress, modernity, development, or democracy.

In March 2022, a high court in India's Karnataka state ruled that wearing a hijab is not an “essential” part of Islam and thus could not be protected under the fundamental right to religion. The court upheld a state government order prohibiting hijab in school. A few days later, the education minister of the same state announced the government’s plans to institute the study of Bhagavad Gita, a Hindu scripture, in the school curriculum for all students. This plan was justified by saying that Bhagavad Gita isn’t essential just for Hindus, but for everyone.